Mufwene's ecological model locates language evolution in competition among variants contributed by individual idiolects and in speakers'selection from linguistic material made available through interaction. Large language models (LLMs) complicate this architecture without requiring the locus of selection to move away from human speakers. This article argues that LLMs are best treated as distributional mediators: they aggregate language produced across human populations, transform its distribution through training and post-training, and redistribute model-specific outputs at scale. I call the resulting ecological process algorithmic reweighting of the speaker-accessible distribution: model mediation can alter the relative frequencies with which competing variants reach human selectors. Emerging evidence on model-specific linguistic profiles and lexical uptake is consistent with parts of this pathway, but does not establish inevitable convergence. Human social evaluation remains decisive: model-associated forms may diffuse and become conventionalized, become socially recognizable as'AI-like'and subsequently avoided, or fail to diffuse in the first place. The proposal extends Mufwene's feature-pool ecology one step upstream of speaker selection and yields testable predictions about uptake, model-version effects, convergence, and social reversal.
Professional communication is increasingly mediated by LLMs - but do these models serve all users equally? We show that when prompts contain linguistic features more commonly used by women (hedges, tag questions, collective reference), they systematically elicit shorter, less sophisticated, and less formal responses across three document types and four models. These effects persist after controlling for prompt complexity and feature carry-over. Explicit gender cues like sign-off names are encoded in the same representational space as linguistic dialect - suggesting shared underlying mechanisms - yet linguistic register is far more influential, producing large, consistent effects where names produce none. Our results further reveal that post-hoc mitigation is challenging: because these patterns are culturally embedded and outside conscious control, users cannot easily avoid them through strategic self-presentation, and mechanistic analysis reveals that linguistic features are encoded in early transformer layers and entangled with other features. Our work calls for upstream consideration of the influences of linguistic variation to mitigate disparate impacts of LLM-mediated workplace communication.
Writing and communication are increasingly mediated by large language models (LLMs) that are being used to draft, revise and polish text. Although such assistance can improve clarity and help authors meet institutional expectations, widespread reliance on shared models may reduce population-level variation in linguistic form, a phenomenon we refer to as linguistic monoculture. We develop a mathematical framework in which authors and LLMs are represented as distributions over linguistic features and coevolve through repeated interaction. We analyze three interaction mechanisms: a shared model with a fixed linguistic distribution, a shared model recursively updated from author outputs, and personalized models updated through author-specific and population-level feedback. We characterize the resulting equilibria and convergence rates, showing that, shared models can drive authors toward a common norm, recursive feedback relocates the shared norm without altering pairwise spread under common conformity, and personalization can preserve a family of distinct author-model equilibria with nonzero linguistic diversity. We then endogenize conformity as a strategic choice trading off private benefits from clarity, legibility, and perceived fluency against distinctive style. Within this utility model, individually rational authors may conform more than is socially optimal because they do not internalize the value their distinctiveness provides to others, creating a negative externality and a price of monoculture that is finite for each fixed instance but can grow without bound when distinctiveness dominates authenticity. Synthetic simulations illustrate how fixed shared assistance, recursive feedback, and personalization produce different long-run diversity outcomes.
Suhas Thejaswi, Juhi Kulshreshta, Lutz Oettershagen· arXiv.org· 0 citations
While large language model outputs are frequently analysed as a collective super variety termed"AI language,"this chapter argues that this perspective coexists with distinct, model-specific linguistic signatures akin to human idiolects. We analyse two datasets of LLM-generated texts on societal topics: a 2024 corpus of six models (Improta et al. 2024) and a newly generated 2026 corpus using the same prompts featuring six contemporary models. Our findings, utilising computational descriptors and stylometric principal component analysis reveal a generational shift between the style of the 2024 and 2026 cohorts, while demonstrating that each individual model maintains a unique linguistic profile. This multi-layered interplay is illustrated by contraction frequencies, which vary from over 1,200 to over 30,000 per million words within the same cohort of models (2026). Ultimately, we conclude that treating LLM output as idiolectal in nature provides a valuable framework with potential implications for research on variation and change, LLM-generated text detection, forensic linguistics and usage-based approaches to language.
Karolina Rudnicka, Thomas Stephan Juzek· 0 citations
A human-grounded framework that uses the empirical distribution of human writing on a topic to measure the distributional breadth of LLM-generated content on that same topic, and proposes two metrics, LLM Coverage (LLM-Cov) and In-Boundary Rate (IBR), that separate the plausibility of LLM content from its distributional breadth.
Despite increasing reliance on LLMs that reason with external evidence supplied by tools, retrieval-augmented generation, other agents, and users, how LLMs integrate such evidence into decisions they have already begun to form remains largely unclear. We present a distributional theory in which evidence shifts the receiver's distribution of initial answers, driven by a receiver prior weight and a candidate evidence tilt, leading to three predictions. First, candidates more probable to the receiver are more persuasive. Second, receivers more readily integrate characteristic errors of their own than foreign errors from different sources. Third, identical evidence can improve weaker models and harm stronger ones. We confirm these over ten million trials, twelve LLMs from four families, and eight domains, four of them scientific discovery tasks in the physical and life sciences: quantum mechanics, physics, genetics, and molecular biology. The law also yields a receiver-relative reliability frontier: receiver-congruent errors depress performance more steeply than random errors of the same rate. LLMs also integrate candidates even after internally verifying their invalidity (93-100% with propositional constraints; up to 99.4% on held-out physical and life-sciences reasoning), demonstrating evidence integration is a receiver-specific control policy over existing distributions, determined by receiver properties rather than scalar trust in the evidence source. Causal interventions show candidate integration is implemented late in the network, as a structured sequence of steps admitting external candidate answers, promoting them, and transporting them into the answer state. Representations of verification are decodable but have little causal impact on answers. A J-lens decomposition shows the state underlying verbalized verification is fully dissociable from that underlying candidate integration.
The same tools used to analyze human data and whale song are used to reveal that culturally transmitted Bengalese finch song also has statistically coherent subsequences whose distribution follows a power law, suggesting that core properties of language arise through convergent evolution.
Simon Kirby, Kazuo Okanoya, Ellen C. Garland et al.· Science Advances· 1 citation
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