Aug 2026· Revista ft· Vol 30, pp. 01-21· 0 citations
Abstract
The article investigates the extent to which the isolationist turn in global migration policy is expressed not only in the state management of national borders but also in digital and procedural borders that affect migrant workers’ access to Brazil’s Labor Justice system, especially following the centrality of PJe‑JT and the so-called digital jus postulandi. Starting from the debate between cosmopolitanism and parochialism, it draws on the contributions of Seyla Benhabib, Kwame Anthony Appiah, and the Kantian tradition of cosmopolitan right, articulating them with the notion of sense of place as a fertile functioning in De Shalit, as well as with Miller and Straehle on climate vulnerability and cultural loss.
It argues that the normative-technological design of PJe‑JT, together with regulatory fragmentation and the absence of an institutional policy of “procedural hospitality” for migrants, tends to produce legal displacement: even when physically present in the territory, many workers remain symbolically outside the “place” of Labor Justice. As the central hypothesis, it contends that a rooted cosmopolitan reading of Labor Justice—understood as an institution committed to the equal dignity of all workers, nationals and foreigners—requires rethinking service flows, language, digital accessibility, and the handling of evidence, so as to reconstruct Labor Justice as a space of belonging and recognition for people on the move.
This article analyzes the phenomenon of terruqueo in contemporary Peru, proposing its understanding as a technology of power rather than merely as a discursive strategy. In a context of growing political polarization and social conflict, terruqueo has become a recurrent practice that delegitimizes actors and constrains public debate. Drawing on a theoretical approach that articulates contributions from Foucault, Byung-Chul Han, and Schmitt, the article argues that terruqueo operates as a dispositif that classifies, hierarchizes, and regulates political participation through the production of subjectivities and the mobilization of affects, particularly fear and suspicion. It further examines its role in the construction of the internal enemy and in the legitimization of a social order that naturalizes exclusion and neutralizes dissent. The analysis demonstrates that its effects are not limited to the discursive plane but extend to the configuration of psychic and social life, fostering dynamics of self-censorship, social fragmentation, and the normalization of stigma. The article concludes that a critical reading of the phenomenon requires problematizing its conditions of production and its structural effects on Peruvian society.
The article analyzes the relationship between public communication, democratic legitimacy, and the formation of fiscal consciousness, arguing that the State’s capacity to produce meaning about its actions is a central element for building trust and civic belonging. Drawing on theoretical contributions from Rousseau, Habermas, Dewey, Rosanvallon, Giddens, Beck, Castells, Lipsky, Frey, and Grunig & Hunt, the text discusses how the intelligibility of public policies influences citizens’ perception of the fiscal pact. Subsequently, the study examines the Spanish case Lo que das, vuelve (What you give, comes back), identifying how the communication strategy of the Agencia Tributaria (Tax Agency) converts the tax system–abstract and complex–into a comprehensible narrative focused on the social return of taxes. The case highlights that effective public communication is not limited to formal transparency but involves translating state action into daily experiences, the symbolic mediation of trust, and the legitimate contestation for meanings in the public sphere. It concludes that the consolidation of fiscal consciousness depends on a “communicating State,” capable of continuously explaining, justifying, and demonstrating the collective value of taxation, thereby strengthening democratic reciprocity and citizens’ voluntary cooperation.
Marcos Vinícius Viana da Silva, Gislene Cristina Regis Ito, Laura Brand Canci et al.· Revista do Tribunal de Conta...· 0 citations
This research seeks to examine the gender practices of young men from urban peripheral areas who own barbershops and identify themselves as entrepreneurs. Conducted between 2022 and 2024 in Vila Bom Jesus, Porto Alegre, the study draws on focus groups and life-history interviews. It presents the trajectories of Alex, Martim, and Matheus, with the aim of understanding the intersections between professional pathways and the incorporation of gender. Becoming a barber emerges as an aspiration among local adolescents, associated with freedom, belonging to a group of “non-involved” youth in relation to crime, and the construction of a peripheral identity. In their daily routines, barbershop owners accumulate multiple tasks—management, finances, and marketing—leading to long working hours and hierarchical relations with established “owners.” Achieving autonomy depends on mobilizing the social capital available in the territory and building support networks among young men. The occupation fosters communicative, affective, and aesthetic skills, while also valuing peripheral culture and challenging hegemonic models of masculinity. Entrepreneurship in barbershops is configured not only as an individual business venture but also as a collective project, sustained by ties with clients, family members, wives, and apprentices. The findings further highlight the centrality of the provider figure seeking to secure his “own space,” while also pointing to cracks in the gender order through practices of care among men and through the pursuit of greater flexibility to enact a more active fatherhood.
B. Barros· Antropol�tica Revista Contem...· 0 citations
This article investigates the articulation between the Kantian concept of enlightenment (Aufklärung), as expounded in the essay “An Answer to the Question: What is Enlightenment?” (1784), and the literary representation of the refusal of normative conformity in Albert Camus's The Stranger (1942). It argues that Meursault, the protagonist of Camus's work, embodies a paradoxical form of relationship with enlightenment: by refusing social expectations and performing an authentic existence, he both manifests autonomy and remains imprisoned in a form of immaturity that prevents him from publicly exercising his reason. The analysis demonstrates that the Kantian distinction between private and public use of reason provides a fundamental interpretative key to understanding not only Meursault's tragic fate, but also contemporary phenomena of silent resistance to institutional normativity, particularly in the context of labor relations. By highlighting the limits of purely individual autonomy, this study contributes to the philosophical understanding of contemporary practices that delineate boundaries between mandatory conformity and voluntary engagement, offering theoretical support for investigations into changes in the relationships between subjects and institutions in contemporary times.
L. Quintela· Argumentos. Revista de filos...· 0 citations
This article proposes a sociological interpretation of Brazilian polarization based on a paradigmatic empirical configuration: the coexistence and simultaneous intensification of the March for Jesus and the LGBTQIA+ Pride Parade in the city of São Paulo. Far from constituting an anomaly, this simultaneity expresses a more general dynamic: in contemporary Brazil, the expansion of rights and the intensification of resistance to them do not occur sequentially in time but are produced simultaneously, each feeding off the other. To account for this phenomenon, the article mobilizes a morphological perspective inspired by Durkheim, Bouglé, Mannheim, and Elias, articulated with investigations developed within the Interdisciplinary Laboratory on Reflexivities. The central hypothesis is that the structural transformations of Brazilian society since the 1960s—urbanization, educational expansion, occupational diversification, and communicational densification—have created fertile conditions for the emergence and diffusion of modern critical traditions oriented toward making subordinated subjects visible, denaturalizing social asymmetries, transforming moral sensibilities, and promoting the egalitarian expansion of rights. The trajectory of Brazil’s New Republic is reinterpreted as a cumulative process of institutionalizing these progressive transformations across successive governments led by the Brazilian Democratic Movement, the Brazilian Social Democracy Party, and the Workers’ Party. The article argues, however, that this process generates, as an immanent effect, its own countertendencies. Beginning in the 2010s, reactive dynamics intensified, seeking to restore destabilized asymmetries and marking the transition from a conservatism of containment to a neoconservatism of reaction. Bolsonaroism is thus understood as an endogenous product of this dynamic: the organized backlash generated by the structural frontlash itself. Its countertendential grammar operates through the systematic reconversion of modern critical traditions by denying subordinated subjects, renaturalizing asymmetries, delegitimizing or ridiculing emergent moral sensibilities, and recasting new rights claims as undue privileges. In this sense, it constitutes a logic that is structurally homologous to that of critical traditions, yet oriented in the opposite direction.
Diogo Silva Corrêa, M. Haddad· Antropol�tica Revista Contem...· 0 citations
Resumen The article analyzes the spaces of emerging citizenship of Haitian people who live in Santiago de Chile, as well as their forms of social organization. Through field work carried out between the years 2018 and early 2025 with an ethnographic methodology, a nascent autonomy is observed in Haitian residents in the communes of Quilicura and Estación Central - and especially in the peripheral commune of Quilicura - which we investigate here based on the understanding of the dynamics of social incorporation and roots or not of migrants: uncertain citizenship, ethnic borders and urban relegation. The results conclude that Haitian migrants report being discriminated against for racist reasons and undervalued for their national origin, within the framework of an asymmetric multiculturalism that does not accept them as equals in political-social terms. The creation and growing participation in Afro-descendant associations that act as intermediary structures is confirmed. Currently, there are few publications that analyze the experiences of Haitians in Greater Santiago, considering their practices and strategies in the face of situations of contempt experienced; In this way, the article hopes to contribute to a better understanding of the coexistence between nationals and Haitians in Chile.
Nicolás Gissi Barbieri, Hedilberto Aguilar de la Cruz· Sociedade e Estado· 0 citations
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