Analysis of internal representations indicate that language models process unlike coordination by treating the conjoined elements as belonging to similar structural categories or through a mechanism akin to deletion, both of which appear learnable from exposure to alike coordination alone.
Abstract
Coordination, a fundamental linguistic structure, remains a subject of intense debate, and its exact nature continues to elude theoretical linguistics. A common view holds that only same-category constituents can be conjoined, which has been challenged by the many grammatical unlike coordinations found in natural language. Treating language models as a computational testbed, we investigate whether the acquisition of unlike coordination requires direct exposure in the training data, or whether it can emerge organically from general compositional abilities. Using Filtered-Corpus Training (FiCT), we train GPT-2 models on corpora from which all instances of unlike coordination have been removed. We find that direct exposure is not necessary: models trained on filtered data successfully generalize to unlike coordination, achieving perplexity and grammaticality judgments comparable to models trained on unfiltered text. Furthermore, our analyses of internal representations indicate that language models process unlike coordination by treating the conjoined elements as belonging to similar structural categories or through a mechanism akin to deletion, both of which appear learnable from exposure to alike coordination alone. This work contributes to the growing understanding of how language models internally represent linguistic structures, while also adding to the broader debate on coordination by showing how models generalize and process unlike coordination without direct exposure.
These findings demonstrate that LMs can recover human-like linguistic generalizations from impoverished input and provide a controlled framework for investigating the mechanisms underlying such biases.
Language models learn about grammatical number primarily from co-occurrence, and show frequency effects as a result---sometimes taken to indicate that they do not learn abstract ``rules'', and are instead dependent on specific lexical items. Testing generalization with text stimuli alone cannot settle this debate, since distributional cues (is/are, this/these) easily give number away. We instead use cross-modal generalization as a tool to investigate abstractions in LMs that can also accept visual inputs (VLMs), restricting the evidence that diagnoses number to an extra-linguistic modality. We teach VLMs pairs of new nouns by adding new embeddings and only updating them during learning, comparing conditions where number is diagnosed by visual cues alone against ones where it is disambiguated by text. Across behavior, representational dynamics, and causal mechanisms, we find non-trivial evidence for cross-modal generalization across both exposure conditions, and that linguistic vs. extra-linguistic cue conditions are treated in similar ways in the internal mechanisms of the model. This suggests that statistical learners like VLMs can generalize beyond surface-level co-occurrence and show genuine abstraction-compatible behavior.
Syntactic convergence (the tendency of speakers to adapt in language towards the grammatical profiles of their interlocutors) is a well-documented feature of human dialogue widely considered to operate below conscious awareness. Whether large language models exhibit analogous syntactic convergence toward human users relative to human baselines and across a broad range of syntactic constructions remains an open question. Using substitution-paradigm data in which model generations replace one speaker's turns in pre-existing human dialogues, this study measures turn-adjacent reuse of context-free grammar (CFG) rules across sixteen open-weight Llama and Gemma models (1B-70B, pretrained and instruction-tuned) at 1,901 matched positions per model. Every model showed greater CFG-rule overlap with the preceding human turn than with a sampled unrelated human prime, and in every model this actual-versus-random difference was larger for lower-frequency rules. Each instruction-tuned model also showed greater natural-output overlap with the actual prime than the human response it replaced, and all eight matched architecture pairs exhibited greater actual-prime overlap after instruction tuning. However, relative to pretrained variants, instruction-tuned outputs overlapped more with unrelated primes, showed a smaller actual-versus-random increment, and had lower conditional rule-reuse odds once target rule-set size was held constant. In exploratory analyses, each model exhibited greater mean lexical and semantic similarity to the preceding turn than the matched human responses did. Instruction-tuned models additionally produced responses with greater mean semantic similarity than their pretrained counterparts in all eight architecture pairs, whereas the lexical similarity results were more heterogeneous.
The central contributions of this paper articulate the conditions under which distributional predictability threatens the internal validity of an experiment and provide concrete recommendations for how to control for this potential confound.
Sean Trott, James A. Michaelov, Cameron R. Jones et al.· Open Mind· 0 citations
The results provide evidence that grammaticality is robustly encoded in sentence representations of a wide range of pretrained NLMs, yielding clear representational separation on the dimension of grammaticality that cannot be fully explained by alternative sentence-level factors.
Multilingual large language models often generalize across languages, and prior work suggests that their internal mechanisms can overlap cross-lingually. It remains unclear, however, when such sharing emerges and whether it varies with the overt realization of the same grammatical operation. We investigate this question for present-tense subject-verb agreement, a morphosyntactic process that varies substantially across languages and is only weakly expressed in English. Using activation patching and attention analysis across 29 languages and five open-source model families, we identify the attention heads causally implicated in agreement and compare these head-level signatures across languages. We find that languages with overt person/number inflection exhibit more similar agreement circuitry than non-conjugating languages, with the strongest sharing appearing when the analysis isolates recovery of the inflectional contrast itself. English provides an informative bridge case, becoming more similar to conjugating languages precisely in contexts where overt agreement is required. Finally, many implicated heads display similar attention patterns across languages, suggesting that cross-lingual overlap reflects shared functional roles as well as shared localization. Together, these results indicate that multilingual LLMs reuse partially shared computational structure for morphosyntactic agreement rather than relying on fully separate language-specific solutions.
Isabella Gidi, Antonio Almudévar, Core Francisco Park et al.· 0 citations
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