During speech comprehension, the brain dynamically infers a hierarchy of increasingly abstract representations from the sensory input. An important step in the inferential hierarchy is the combination of words to form phrases and sentences. Whether this process is driven primarily by statistical patterns in the linguistic input, or by a mechanism that combines words into hierarchical representations, is a subject of considerable debate that has regained importance with the arrival of large language models. This study investigates whether local cortical activity (high gamma power; 70-150 Hz) from intracranial recordings is jointly modulated by lexical probability and syntactic structure; and whether lexical probability affects the inference of syntactic structure. To this end, an open dataset of electrocorticography recordings is analyzed with multivariate temporal response functions and a model comparison approach. The results indicate that high gamma power is sensitive to multi-word estimates of constituency structure and lexical probability estimates, both in isolation and jointly. The temporal response functions suggest that syntactic structure building depends on interregional communication between regions connected through dorsal- and ventral streams. Furthermore, the study provides evidence that bottom-up syntactic information is less likely to be encoded by neural populations that strongly code for lexical probability measures, while top-down syntactic information shares neural resources with lexical uncertainty. We suggest that lexical uncertainty modulates the weighting of anticipatory structural information. With this, the current study supports models that suggest that cues are leveraged flexibly in a feed-forward and feed-back fashion during speech comprehension.
S. Slaats, A. Hervais-Adelman· bioRxiv· 0 citations
Word classes such as nouns, verbs, and adjectives are fundamental units of language, but their neural encoding remains unclear. Here, we investigate whether word classes are processed as invariant, context-independent lexical categories or depend on sentence context during language processing. We analyse source-localized magnetoencephalography (MEG) data from 200 native Dutch participants who read or listened to sentences and their scrambled counterparts (word lists) from the MOUS dataset. Time-resolved encoding models are used to predict neural responses from major word classes (noun, verb, adjective) and other linguistic variables including word frequency, surprisal, entropy, word length, and ordinal position. Across modalities, we observe a significant interaction between word class and context (sentences vs. word lists), manifest as dynamic modulation of neural responses in a widespread cortical network including bilateral perisylvian, frontal, and midline regions previously implicated in lexicosemantic, structural, and pragmatic processing. This interaction emerges early and reappears later in processing, with distinct temporal profiles for reading and listening. Within-condition effects reveal that word class contributes to neural responses at the level of individual words, but this contribution is context-dependent: it is robust in sentences across modalities and in word-list reading, but absent in auditory word lists. These results indicate that word-class encoding is shaped by the interaction between word-level properties and sentence context during real-time language processing.